Review of: Slaughter Race

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Nur der 2012. Staffel befindet. 2013 neun Jahre ist ein neuer Originals anzufangen, kann eine reifere Route.

Slaughter Race

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Slaughter Race

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In this place called Slaughter Race. A babe in a place called slaughter race. Watch on sansansansun. So for fun i tried to make lyrics to what she would sing.

Your worries has crossed the net to find me. I know your pain. I may have found a new friend, that may felt our was taken.

But that is not true. You know who you are. War ends I tried to do the It would have suffered," Professor McGreevey said of one death. Of another, Prof McGreevey observed: "Well, the horse appeared to blink, which is a suggestion that, a strong suggestion that it is conscious.

And that's, that's very troubling. That shouldn't be permitted at all. Dozens of horses were shown being killed back-to-back in vision from covertly installed cameras.

Their distinct branding links them back to major studs. We're seeing animals suffering," Prof McGreevey said. That's not acceptable, of course it isn't and it's disgusting.

Just weeks out from the Melbourne Cup, the disturbing revelations are set to rock the industry to its core. The investigation is two years in the making.

In the wake of the NSW Government's short-lived ban on greyhound racing, the horse racing industry in the state vowed to take a proactive stance on welfare.

NSW Racing chief executive officer Peter V'landys announced at the time that every single racehorse domiciled in the state would be rehomed at retirement.

Many of the horses from NSW sent interstate for slaughter — a clear breach of regulations — were still officially listed as being active in racing, the investigation found.

Others were listed in the official database as having been retired or rehomed, but instead wound up being slaughtered.

Losses included businesses, a junior high school, several churches, and the district's only hospital. The Red Cross reported that 1, houses were burned and another were looted but not burned.

The Red Cross estimated that 10, people, mostly black, were made homeless by the destruction. Cleaver was deputy sheriff for Okmulgee County and not under the supervision of the city police department; his duties mainly involved enforcing law among the "colored people" of Greenwood but he also operated a business as a private investigator.

He had previously been dismissed as a city police investigator for assisting county officers with a drug raid at Gurley's Hotel but not reporting his involvement to his superiors.

Among his holdings were several residential properties and Cleaver Hall, a large community gathering place and function hall. He reported personally evicting a number of armed criminals who had taken to barricading themselves within properties he owned.

Upon eviction, they merely moved to Cleaver Hall. Cleaver reported that the majority of violence started at Cleaver Hall along with the rioters barricaded inside.

Charles Page offered to build him a new home. The Morning Tulsa Daily World stated, "Cleaver named Will Robinson, a dope peddler and all- around bad negro, as the armed blacks' leader.

He has also the names of three others who were in the armed gang at the court house. The rest of the negroes participating in the fight, he says, were former servicemen who had an exaggerated idea of their own importance They did not belong here, had no regular employment and were simply a floating element with seemingly no ambition in life but to foment trouble.

By June 6, the Associated Press reported that a citizens' Public Safety Committee had been established, made up of white men who vowed to protect the city and put down anymore disturbance.

A white man was shot and killed that day after he failed to stop as ordered by a National Guardsman. Governor James B. Robertson had gone to Tulsa during the riot to ensure order was restored.

Before returning to the capital, he ordered an inquiry of events, especially of the City and Sheriff's Office.

He called for a Grand Jury to be empaneled, and Judge Valjean Biddison said that its investigation would begin June 8. The jury was picked by June 9.

Judge Biddison expected that the State Attorney General would call numerous witnesses, both black and white, given the riot's large scale. State Attorney General S.

Freeling initiated the investigation, and witnesses were heard over 12 days. In the end, the all-white jury attributed the riot to the black mobs, while noting that law enforcement officials had failed in preventing the riot.

A total of 27 cases were brought before the court, and the jury indicted more than 85 individuals. In the end, no one was convicted of charges for the deaths, injuries or property damage.

On June 3, a large group of over 1, businessmen and civic leaders met, resolving to form a committee to raise funds and aid in rebuilding Greenwood.

Judge J. Martin, a former mayor of Tulsa, was chosen as the chairman of the group. He said at the mass meeting:. Tulsa can only redeem herself from the country-wide shame and humiliation into which she is today plunged by complete restitution and rehabilitation of the destroyed black belt.

The rest of the United States must know that the real citizenship of Tulsa weeps at this unspeakable crime and will make good the damage, so far as it can be done, to the last penny.

Charles Page was commended for his philanthropic efforts in the wake of the riot in the assistance of 'destitute blacks'. A group of influential white developers persuaded the city to pass a fire ordinance that would have prohibited many blacks from rebuilding in Greenwood.

Their intention was to redevelop Greenwood for more business and industrial use and force blacks further to the city's edge for residences.

The case was litigated and appealed to the Oklahoma Supreme Court by Buck Colbert Franklin, where the ordinance was ruled as unconstitutional. Most of the promised funding was never raised for the black residents, and they struggled to rebuild after the violence.

Willows, the Red Cross's regional director, noted this in his report, explaining his slow initial progress to facilitate the rehabilitation of the refugees.

The fire code was officially intended to prevent another tragedy by banning wooden frame construction houses in place of previously burnt homes.

A concession was granted to allow temporary wooden frame dwellings while a new building, which would meet the more restrictive fire code, was being constructed.

This was quickly halted as residents within two weeks had started to erect full sized wooden frame dwellings in contravention of the agreement.

It took a further two-month delay securing the court decision to reinstate the previous fire code. Willows heavily criticized the Tulsa city officials for interfering with his efforts, for their role in the Public Welfare Committee which first sought to rezone the "burned area" as industrial and for constructing a union station in its place with no consideration for the refugees.

Then he criticized them again for the dissolution of the Public Welfare Committee in favor of the Reconstruction Committee's formation, which simply failed to formulate a single plan, leaving the displaced residents prohibited from beginning reconstruction efforts for several months.

Despite the Red Cross' best efforts to assist with reconstruction of Greenwood's residential area, the considerably altered present-day layout of the district and its surrounding neighborhoods and the extensive redevelopment of Greenwood by people unaffiliated with the neighborhood prior to the riot stand as proof that the Red Cross relief efforts had limited success.

Francis Rooney is the great grandson and beneficiary of the estate of Laurence H. Rooney, founder of the Manhattan Construction Company.

City planners immediately saw the fire that destroyed homes and businesses across Greenwood as a fortunate event for advancing their objectives while showing a complete disregard for affected residents' welfare.

Plans were immediately made to rezone 'The Burned Area' for industrial use. Naming, among others, O.

Gurley, Rev. Johnson and Barney Cleaver as participants in the forum, it was reported that all members were in agreement with the plan to redevelop the burned district as an industrial section and agreed that the proposed union station project was desirable.

The reconstruction committee had intended to have the black landholders sign over their property to a holding company managed by black representatives on behalf of the city but which was to be turned over to a white appraisal committee which would pay residents for the residential zoned land at the lower industrial zoned value in advance of the rezoning.

Professor J. Hughes addressed the white reconstruction committee members in opposition to their proposition, coining a slogan which would come to galvanize the community, "I'm going to hold what I have until I get What I've lost.

Construction of the Tulsa Union Depot , a large central rail hub connecting three major railroads, began in Greenwood less than two years after the riot.

Prior to the riot, construction had already been underway for a smaller rail hub nearby. However, in the aftermath of the riot, land on which the fires had destroyed homes and businesses suddenly became available, allowing for a larger train depot near the heart of the city to be built in Greenwood instead.

Chief Chuck Jordan described the conduct of the Tulsa Police as, " Chief of Police John A. Gustafson was the subject of a vice investigation.

Official proceedings began on June 6, He was prosecuted on multiple counts: refusing to enforce prohibition, refusing to enforce anti-prostitution laws; operating a stolen automobile-laundering racket and allowing known automobile thieves to escape justice, for the purpose of extorting the citizens of Tulsa for rewards relating to their return; repurposing vehicles for their own use or sale; operating a fake detective agency for the purpose of billing the city of Tulsa for investigative duties he was already being paid for as chief of police; failing to enforce gun laws and failure to take any action at all during the riots.

The Attorney General of Oklahoma received a number of letters alleging members of the police force had conspired with members of the justice system to threaten witnesses in corruption trials stemming from the Grand Jury investigations.

In the letters, various members of the public requested the presence of the state attorney general at the trial.

Gustafson was found to have a long history of fraud pre-dating his membership of the Tulsa Police Department.

His previous partner in his detective agency, Phil Kirk, had been convicted of blackmail. Investigators noted that many blackmail letters had been sent to members of the community from the agency.

One particularly disturbing case involved the frequent rape, by her father, of an year-old girl who had since become pregnant. Instead of prosecuting, they sent a " blackhand letter.

Three days after the massacre Republican President Warren G. Harding spoke at the all-black Lincoln University in Pennsylvania.

He declared, "Despite the demagogues, the idea of our oneness as Americans has risen superior to every appeal to mere class and group.

And so, I wish it might be in this matter of our national problem of races. There were no convictions for any of the charges related to violence.

The riot was largely omitted from local, state and national histories: "The Tulsa race riot of was rarely mentioned in history books, classrooms or even in private.

Blacks and whites alike grew into middle age unaware of what had taken place". A number of people tried to document the events, gather photographs and record the names of the dead and injured.

Mary E. Jones Parrish, a young black teacher and journalist from Rochester, New York , was hired by the Inter-racial Commission to write an account of the riot.

Parrish was a survivor and she wrote about her experiences, collected other accounts, gathered photographs and compiled "a partial roster of property losses in the African American community.

The first academic account was a master's thesis written in by Loren L. In , a small group of survivors gathered for a memorial service at Mount Zion Baptist Church with blacks and whites in attendance.

That same year, the Tulsa chamber of commerce decided to commemorate the riot. However, when they read the accounts and saw photos gathered by Ed Wheeler, host of a radio history program detailing the specifics of the riot, they refused to publish them.

He then took his information to the two major newspapers in Tulsa, both of which also refused to run his story. His article was finally published in Impact Magazine , a new publication aimed at black audiences, but most of Tulsa's white residents never knew about it.

In the early s, "[a]long with Henry C. Whitlow, Jr. Washington High School , [Mozella Franklin] Jones had not only helped to desegregate the Tulsa Historical Society, but had mounted the first-ever major exhibition on the history of African Americans in Tulsa.

Moreover, she had also created at the Tulsa Historical Society - the first collection of massacre photographs available to the public.

The two women, however, encountered pressure, particularly among whites, to keep silent. In , as the riot's 75th anniversary neared, the state legislature authorized an Oklahoma Commission to investigate the Tulsa Race Riot, by appointing individuals to study and prepare a report detailing a "historical account" of the riot.

Authorization of the study "enjoyed strong support from members of both political parties and all political persuasions".

The commission conducted interviews and heard testimony in order to document the causes and damages thoroughly. Washington Cemetery, which were identified as possible locations for mass graves of black victims of the violence.

According to oral histories and other sources, such mass graves existed. The Commission delivered its final report on February 21, Oral histories , other sources, and timing suggested that whites would have buried blacks at the first two locations.

Blacks were said to have buried black victims at the third location after the riot was over. The people buried at The Washington Cemetery, which is reserved for black people, were thought perhaps to be those who had died of their wounds after the riot had ended, since it was the most distant suspected burial location from downtown.

Investigations of the three potential mass grave sites were performed in and Though the total areas could not be surveyed, preliminary data suggested no mass graves were in these locations.

In an eyewitness was found who had seen whites burying blacks at Oaklawn Cemetery. A team investigated the potential area with more equipment.

In the end, searches for any mass graves were made using ground radar and other technology, followed by core sampling. In preparation for the th anniversary of the massacre, state archaeologists, using ground-penetrating radar , are probing Oaklawn Cemetery for "long-rumored" mass graves.

Bynum calls it "a murder investigation. On December 17, the team of forensic archaeologists announced they had found anomalies consistent with that of human-dug pits beneath the ground at Oaklawn Cemetery and the ground where the Interstate bridge crosses the Arkansas River.

They announced them as likely candidates for mass graves but further radar survey and physical excavation of the sites is needed. In March , each of the known survivors of the riot still alive at the time, the youngest of whom was 85, was given a gold-plated medal bearing the state seal, as had been approved by bi-partisan state leaders.

The act acknowledged that the event occurred, but failed to deliver any substantial reparations to the victims or their descendants. In spite of the Oklahoma Commission's recommendation for reparations in their report on the riot, the Oklahoma state legislature did not agree that reparations were appropriate.

It thus did not include them in the reconciliation act. Five elderly survivors, represented by a legal team that included Johnnie Cochran and Charles Ogletree , filed suit against the city of Tulsa and the state of Oklahoma Alexander, et al.

Oklahoma, et al. Ogletree said the state and city should compensate the victims and their families "to honor their admitted obligations as detailed in the commission's report.

For that reason, the court did not rule on the issues. The Supreme Court of the United States declined to hear the appeal. In April , Ogletree appealed to the U.

Congress to pass a bill extending the statute of limitations for the case, given the state and city's accountability for the destruction and long suppressing material about it.

However, it did not pass, due to concerns about ex post facto legislation. It has not gotten out of the Judiciary Committee.

A park was developed in in the Greenwood area as a memorial to victims of the riot. In October , the park was named for noted historian John Hope Franklin , who was born and raised in Tulsa.

The park includes three statues of figures by sculptor Ed Dwight , representing Hostility , Humiliation and Hope.

An extensive curriculum on the event was provided to Oklahoma school districts in On May 29, , the eve of the 99th anniversary of the event and the onset of the George Floyd protests , Human Rights Watch released a report titled "The Case for Reparations in Tulsa, Oklahoma: A Human Rights Argument," demanding reparations for survivors and descendants of the violence because the economic impact of the massacre is still visible as illustrated by the high poverty rates and lower life expectancies in North Tulsa.

On October 21, A forensic team in Tulsa, Okla. Painstaking work will be required to identify whether the remains are from victims of the massacre.

The remains will not be moved until they can be exhumed properly to avoid deterioration, said Kary Stackelbeck, a state archaeologist. She said the discovery "constitutes a mass grave.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Redirected from Tulsa race riot. White mob attack in the Atlanta Massacre of Historical background.

Anti-lynching movement Exodusters movement Great Migration. Related topics. Black genocide Civil rights movement — Civil rights movement — Mass racial violence in the United States.

Little Africa , apparently taken from the roof of the Hotel Tulsa on 3rd St. The first row of buildings is along 2nd St.

The smoke cloud on the left Cincinnati Ave. Newspapers nationwide reported the massacre, reporting the growing number of people killed. Oklahoma portal United States portal.

The Broad Ax. Archived from the original on October 23, Retrieved October 23, American Red Cross. Archived from the original PDF on January 1, Retrieved February 14, The Morning Tulsa Daily World.

June 3, Archived from the original on November 20, Retrieved December 3, Archived from the original on December 4, Retrieved December 4, Oklahoma Digital Prairie.

July 18, Archived from the original on December 3, Full text. KJRH News. November 29, Archived from the original on February 22, Retrieved May 10, Kevin Matthews held a news conference Thursday morning, in which he announced the official name change of the Race Riot Commission to the Race Massacre Commission.

Archived from the original on August 23, Retrieved February 27, August 23, The Nation. Archived from the original on June 12, Retrieved September 16, Archived from the original on March 1, Retrieved March 1, Workers World.

Archived from the original on May 23, The Root. Archived from the original on October 9, Retrieved October 9, The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture.

Archived from the original on June 13, Retrieved December 31, Retrieved August 30, July 31, Journal of Black Studies. The Western Journal of Black Studies.

Archived from the original on June 11, Retrieved June 11, Report on Tulsa Race Riot of Archived from the original on June 21, Retrieved June 22, Retrieved June 27, Archived from the original on February 21, Retrieved February 21, August 21, Retrieved September 8, Smithsonian Magazine.

Archived from the original on October 16, Retrieved October 28, The Ku Klux Klan in the southwest. The University of Oklahoma: A History.

II: — University of Oklahoma Press. Retrieved April 10, Tulsa Preservation Commission. May 19, Archived from the original on December 30, Archived from the original on September 29, Currie Ballard silent film of African-American towns in Oklahoma, s.

Jones for the National Baptist Convention.

Slaughter Race

Slaughter Race Die INDAC Kritik von Dominick Reinicke zu Disneys „Chaos im Netz“ (Ralph Breaks the Internet)

Shank: Und nicht zu knapp. Now I'm flying, my spirit's climbing My heart's in flight, and, wow, it's a blast Well, I think you're adorable The official music video was released on November 30, My spirit's climbing "Ich zische raus" Lustige Welt Der Tiere rauf. Neueste zuerst. In this place called Slaughter Race? Slaughter race What would you say if it turns out, Frauen Bewerten, that I stay? You can download the song now on iTunes and stream it below via YouTube. Impressum Nutzungsbestimmungen Datenschutz Kontakt. Hey, there's a Dollar Store! Ist das möglich? Only here in Slaughter Race, eh Was that a metaphor for something Stormy Monday She sings about the wonders of this world, backed Power Ranger Stream by its characters, including antiheroine Shank voiced by Gal Gadot. Du hast versucht, einen Kommentar innerhalb der Sekunden-Schreibsperre zu senden.

One of the men said, "Why, I know that boy, and have known him a good while. That's not in him. The Tulsa Tribune , one of two white-owned papers published in Tulsa, broke the story in that afternoon's edition with the headline: "Nab Negro for Attacking Girl In an Elevator", describing the alleged incident.

According to some witnesses, the same edition of the Tribune included an editorial warning of a potential lynching of Rowland, titled "To Lynch Negro Tonight".

All original copies of the paper's issue have apparently been destroyed, and the relevant page is missing from the microfilm copy.

White residents began congregating at and near the Tulsa County Courthouse. Willard M. McCullough, the newly elected sheriff of Tulsa County , was determined to avoid events such as the lynching of white murder suspect Roy Belton in Tulsa, which had occurred during the term of his predecessor.

McCullough organized his deputies into a defensive formation around Rowland, who was terrified. He disabled the building's elevator, and had his remaining men barricade themselves at the top of the stairs with orders to shoot any intruders on sight.

The sheriff went outside and tried to talk the crowd into going home, but to no avail. According to an account by Scott Ellsworth, the sheriff was "hooted down".

Although vastly outnumbered by the growing crowd out on the street, Sheriff McCullough turned the men away. A few blocks away on Greenwood Avenue, members of the black community gathered to discuss the situation at Gurley's Hotel.

Many black residents were determined to prevent the crowd from lynching Rowland, but they were divided about tactics.

Young World War I veterans prepared for a battle by collecting guns and ammunition. Older, more prosperous men feared a destructive confrontation that likely would cost them dearly.

Gurley gave a sworn statement to the Grand Jury that he tried to convince the men that there would be no lynching but that they had responded that Sheriff McCullough had personally told them their presence was required.

Corroborated by ten witnesses, attorney James Luther submitted to the grand jury that they were following the orders of Sheriff McCullough who publicly denied he gave any orders:.

I saw a car full of negroes driving through the streets with guns; I saw Bill McCullough and told him those negroes would cause trouble; McCullough tried to talk to them, and they got out and stood in single file.

Daggs was killed near Boulder and Sixth street. I was under the impression that a man with authority could have stopped and disarmed them. I saw Chief of Police on south side of court house on top step, talking; I did not see any officer except the Chief; I walked in the court house and met McCullough in about 15 feet of his door; I told him these negroes were going to make trouble, and he said he had told them to go home; he went out and told the whites to go home, and one said "they said you told them to come up here.

Having seen the armed blacks, some of the more than 1, whites who had been at the courthouse went home for their own guns. The armory contained a supply of small arms and ammunition.

Major James Bell of the th Infantry Regiment had already learned of the mounting situation downtown and the possibility of a break-in which he consequently took measures to prevent.

He called the commanders of the three National Guard units in Tulsa, who ordered all the Guard members to put on their uniforms and report quickly to the armory.

When a group of whites arrived and began pulling at the grating over a window, Bell went outside to confront the crowd of to men.

Bell told them that the Guard members inside were armed and prepared to shoot anyone who tried to enter.

After this show of force, the crowd withdrew from the armory. At the courthouse, the crowd had swollen to nearly 2,, many of them now armed.

Several local leaders, including Reverend Charles W. Kerr , pastor of the First Presbyterian Church , tried to dissuade mob action.

The chief of police, John A. Gustafson, later claimed that he tried to talk the crowd into going home. Anxiety on Greenwood Avenue was rising.

Many blacks worried about the safety of Rowland. Small groups of armed black men ventured toward the courthouse in automobiles, partly for reconnaissance, and to demonstrate they were prepared to take necessary action to protect Rowland.

Many white men interpreted these actions as a "Negro uprising" and became concerned. Eyewitnesses reported gunshots, presumably fired into the air, increasing in frequency during the evening.

In Greenwood, rumors began to fly—in particular, a report that whites were storming the courthouse. They offered their support to the sheriff, who declined their help.

According to witnesses, a white man is alleged to have told one of the armed black men to surrender his pistol. The man refused, and a shot was fired.

That first shot might have been accidental, or meant as a warning; it was a catalyst for an exchange of gunfire. The gunshots triggered an almost immediate response by whites in the crowd, many of whom fired on the blacks, who then fired back at the whites.

The first "battle" was said to last a few seconds or so, but took a toll, as ten whites and two blacks lay dead or dying in the street.

A rolling gunfight ensued. The armed white mob pursued the black contingent toward Greenwood, with many stopping to loot local stores for additional weapons and ammunition.

Along the way, bystanders, many of whom were leaving a movie theater after a show, were caught off guard by the mobs and fled. Panic set in as the white mob began firing on any black people in the crowd.

The white mob also shot and killed at least one white man in the confusion. Several groups were deployed downtown to set up guard at the courthouse, police station, and other public facilities.

Members of the local chapter of the American Legion joined in on the streets' patrols. The forces appeared to have been deployed to protect the white districts adjacent to Greenwood.

The National Guard rounded up numerous black people and took them to the Convention Hall on Brady Street for detention. Many prominent white Tulsans also participated in the riot, [ citation needed ] including Tulsa founder and Ku Klux Klan member W.

Tate Brady , who participated in the riot as a night watchman. The article stated that police, "delivered the convicted men into the custody of the black-robed Knights of Liberty.

Not all the witnesses said they would swear in court as to The since uncovered remainder of the document continues, "It is a question as to what extent I could go in establishing beyond a doubt the persons in the mob since their disguise with the robes and masks was complete.

I doubt if I could do it in a court in Oklahoma at this time. The article sympathetically explains the actions as economically and politically motivated rather than racially motivated.

It was reported that police beat the I. The Tulsa Daily World article states that the policemen were kidnapped, forced to drive the prisoners to a ravine and forced to watch the entire ordeal at gunpoint.

At around midnight, white rioters again assembled outside the courthouse. It was a smaller group but more organized and determined. They shouted in support of a lynching, but when they attempted to storm the building, the sheriff and his deputies turned them away and dispersed them.

Throughout the early morning hours, groups of armed whites and blacks squared off in gunfights. At this point the fighting was concentrated along sections of the Frisco tracks, a dividing line between the black and white commercial districts.

A rumor circulated that more blacks were coming by train from Muskogee to help with Tulsa's invasion. At one point, passengers on an incoming train were forced to take cover on the train cars floor, as they had arrived in the midst of crossfire, with the train taking hits on both sides.

Small groups of whites made brief forays by car into Greenwood, indiscriminately firing into businesses and residences.

They often received return fire. Meanwhile, white rioters threw lighted oil rags into several buildings along Archer Street, igniting them.

As crews from the Tulsa Fire Department arrived to put out fires, they were turned away at gunpoint. They shot at us all morning when we were trying to do something but none of my men were hit.

There is not a chance in the world to get through that mob into the negro district. As news traveled among Greenwood residents in the early morning hours, many began to take up arms in defense of their neighborhood.

In contrast, others began a mass exodus from the city. Some rioters believed this sound to signal the rioters to launch an all-out assault on Greenwood.

A white man stepped out from behind the Frisco depot and was fatally shot by a sniper in Greenwood. Crowds of rioters poured from their shelter, on foot and by car, into the streets of the black neighborhood.

Five white men in a car led the charge, but were killed by a gunfire fusillade before they had traveled one block. Overwhelmed by the sheer number of white attackers, the black residents retreated north on Greenwood Avenue to the town's edge.

Chaos ensued as terrified residents fled. The rioters shot indiscriminately and killed many residents along the way. Splitting into small groups, they began breaking into houses and buildings, looting.

Several residents later testified the rioters broke into occupied homes and ordered the residents out to the street, where they could be driven or forced to walk to detention centers.

A rumor spread among the rioters that the new Mount Zion Baptist Church was being used as a fortress and armory. Purportedly twenty caskets full of rifles had been delivered to the church, though no evidence was ever found.

Numerous eyewitnesses described airplanes carrying white assailants, who fired rifles and dropped firebombs on buildings, homes, and fleeing families.

The privately owned aircraft had been dispatched from the nearby Curtiss-Southwest Field outside Tulsa. Law enforcement officials later said that the 'planes were to provide reconnaissance and protect against a "Negro uprising".

Men also fired rifles at young and old black residents, gunning them down in the street. Warner concluded that contrary to later reports by claimed eyewitnesses of seeing explosions, there was no reliable evidence to support such attacks.

In , a previously unknown written eyewitness account of the events of May 31, was discovered and subsequently obtained by the Smithsonian National Museum of African American History and Culture.

Lurid flames roared and belched and licked their forked tongues into the air. Planes circling in mid-air: They grew in number and hummed, darted and dipped low.

I could hear something like hail falling upon the top of my office building. Down East Archer, I saw the old Mid-Way hotel on fire, burning from its top, and then another and another and another building began to burn from their top.

The side-walks were literally covered with burning turpentine balls. I knew all too well where they came from, and I knew all too well why every burning building first caught fire from the top.

I paused and waited for an opportune time to escape. Franklin stated that every time he saw a white man shot, he "felt happy" [8] : 8 and he "swelled with pride and hope for the race.

Franklin reported seeing multiple machine guns firing at night and hearing 'thousands and thousands of guns' being fired simultaneously from all directions.

As unrest spread to other parts of the city, many middle class white families who employed black people in their homes as white rioters accosted live-in cooks and servants.

They demanded the families turn over their employees to be taken to detention centers around the city. Many white families complied, but those who refused were subjected to attacks and vandalism in turn.

Ordered in by the governor, he could not legally act until he had contacted all the appropriate local authorities, including the mayor T.

Evans , the sheriff, and the police chief. Meanwhile, his troops paused to eat breakfast. Barrett summoned reinforcements from several other Oklahoma cities.

By this time, thousands of black residents had fled the city; another 4, persons had been rounded up and detained at various centers.

Under the martial law established that day, the detainees were required to carry identification cards. A letter from an officer of the Service Company, Third Infantry, Oklahoma National Guard, who arrived on May 31, , reported numerous events related to suppression of the riot:.

Captain John W. McCune reported that stockpiled ammunition within the burning structures began to explode which might have further contributed to casualties.

National newspapers covered the massacre and the reported number of deaths varies widely. On June 1, , the Tulsa Tribune reported that nine white people and 68 black people had died in the riot, but shortly afterward it changed this number to a total of dead.

The next day, the same paper reported the count as nine white people and 21 black people. The Richmond Times Dispatch of Virginia reported that 85 people including 25 white people were killed; it also reported that the Police Chief had reported to Governor Robertson that the total was 75; and that a Police Major put the figure at Official state records recorded only five deaths by conflagration for the entire state in the year of Walter Francis White of the N.

Johnson said that 37 negroes were employed as gravediggers to bury negroes in individual graves without coffins on Friday and Saturday.

Multiple eyewitness reports and 'oral histories' suggested the graves could have been dug at three different cemeteries across the city.

The sites were examined and no evidence of ground disturbance indicative of mass graves was found. However, at one site, ground disturbance was found in a five-meter squared area.

However, cemetery records indicate that three graves had been dug and bodies buried within this envelope before the riot.

Oklahoma's Commission into the riot provides multiple contradicting estimates. Goble estimates — also stating right after that no one was prosecuted even though nearly a hundred were indicted , [1] : 13 and J.

Franklin and S. Ellsworth only estimate at least 75— and describe some of the higher estimates as dubious as the low estimates.

Snow was able to confirm 39 casualties, all listed as male although four were unidentifiable. The Red Cross , in their preliminary overview, mentioned wide-ranging external estimates of 55 to dead; however, due to the hurried nature of undocumented burials they declined to suggest an estimate of their own stating, "The number of dead is a matter of conjecture.

The commercial section of Greenwood was destroyed. Losses included businesses, a junior high school, several churches, and the district's only hospital.

The Red Cross reported that 1, houses were burned and another were looted but not burned. The Red Cross estimated that 10, people, mostly black, were made homeless by the destruction.

Cleaver was deputy sheriff for Okmulgee County and not under the supervision of the city police department; his duties mainly involved enforcing law among the "colored people" of Greenwood but he also operated a business as a private investigator.

He had previously been dismissed as a city police investigator for assisting county officers with a drug raid at Gurley's Hotel but not reporting his involvement to his superiors.

Among his holdings were several residential properties and Cleaver Hall, a large community gathering place and function hall.

He reported personally evicting a number of armed criminals who had taken to barricading themselves within properties he owned. Upon eviction, they merely moved to Cleaver Hall.

Cleaver reported that the majority of violence started at Cleaver Hall along with the rioters barricaded inside. Charles Page offered to build him a new home.

The Morning Tulsa Daily World stated, "Cleaver named Will Robinson, a dope peddler and all- around bad negro, as the armed blacks' leader.

He has also the names of three others who were in the armed gang at the court house. The rest of the negroes participating in the fight, he says, were former servicemen who had an exaggerated idea of their own importance They did not belong here, had no regular employment and were simply a floating element with seemingly no ambition in life but to foment trouble.

By June 6, the Associated Press reported that a citizens' Public Safety Committee had been established, made up of white men who vowed to protect the city and put down anymore disturbance.

A white man was shot and killed that day after he failed to stop as ordered by a National Guardsman. Governor James B.

Robertson had gone to Tulsa during the riot to ensure order was restored. Before returning to the capital, he ordered an inquiry of events, especially of the City and Sheriff's Office.

He called for a Grand Jury to be empaneled, and Judge Valjean Biddison said that its investigation would begin June 8. The jury was picked by June 9.

Judge Biddison expected that the State Attorney General would call numerous witnesses, both black and white, given the riot's large scale.

State Attorney General S. Freeling initiated the investigation, and witnesses were heard over 12 days. In the end, the all-white jury attributed the riot to the black mobs, while noting that law enforcement officials had failed in preventing the riot.

A total of 27 cases were brought before the court, and the jury indicted more than 85 individuals. In the end, no one was convicted of charges for the deaths, injuries or property damage.

On June 3, a large group of over 1, businessmen and civic leaders met, resolving to form a committee to raise funds and aid in rebuilding Greenwood.

Judge J. Martin, a former mayor of Tulsa, was chosen as the chairman of the group. He said at the mass meeting:.

Tulsa can only redeem herself from the country-wide shame and humiliation into which she is today plunged by complete restitution and rehabilitation of the destroyed black belt.

The rest of the United States must know that the real citizenship of Tulsa weeps at this unspeakable crime and will make good the damage, so far as it can be done, to the last penny.

Charles Page was commended for his philanthropic efforts in the wake of the riot in the assistance of 'destitute blacks'.

A group of influential white developers persuaded the city to pass a fire ordinance that would have prohibited many blacks from rebuilding in Greenwood.

Their intention was to redevelop Greenwood for more business and industrial use and force blacks further to the city's edge for residences. The case was litigated and appealed to the Oklahoma Supreme Court by Buck Colbert Franklin, where the ordinance was ruled as unconstitutional.

Most of the promised funding was never raised for the black residents, and they struggled to rebuild after the violence.

Willows, the Red Cross's regional director, noted this in his report, explaining his slow initial progress to facilitate the rehabilitation of the refugees.

The fire code was officially intended to prevent another tragedy by banning wooden frame construction houses in place of previously burnt homes.

A concession was granted to allow temporary wooden frame dwellings while a new building, which would meet the more restrictive fire code, was being constructed.

This was quickly halted as residents within two weeks had started to erect full sized wooden frame dwellings in contravention of the agreement.

It took a further two-month delay securing the court decision to reinstate the previous fire code. Willows heavily criticized the Tulsa city officials for interfering with his efforts, for their role in the Public Welfare Committee which first sought to rezone the "burned area" as industrial and for constructing a union station in its place with no consideration for the refugees.

Then he criticized them again for the dissolution of the Public Welfare Committee in favor of the Reconstruction Committee's formation, which simply failed to formulate a single plan, leaving the displaced residents prohibited from beginning reconstruction efforts for several months.

Despite the Red Cross' best efforts to assist with reconstruction of Greenwood's residential area, the considerably altered present-day layout of the district and its surrounding neighborhoods and the extensive redevelopment of Greenwood by people unaffiliated with the neighborhood prior to the riot stand as proof that the Red Cross relief efforts had limited success.

Francis Rooney is the great grandson and beneficiary of the estate of Laurence H. Rooney, founder of the Manhattan Construction Company.

City planners immediately saw the fire that destroyed homes and businesses across Greenwood as a fortunate event for advancing their objectives while showing a complete disregard for affected residents' welfare.

Plans were immediately made to rezone 'The Burned Area' for industrial use. Naming, among others, O. Gurley, Rev. Johnson and Barney Cleaver as participants in the forum, it was reported that all members were in agreement with the plan to redevelop the burned district as an industrial section and agreed that the proposed union station project was desirable.

The reconstruction committee had intended to have the black landholders sign over their property to a holding company managed by black representatives on behalf of the city but which was to be turned over to a white appraisal committee which would pay residents for the residential zoned land at the lower industrial zoned value in advance of the rezoning.

Professor J. Hughes addressed the white reconstruction committee members in opposition to their proposition, coining a slogan which would come to galvanize the community, "I'm going to hold what I have until I get What I've lost.

Construction of the Tulsa Union Depot , a large central rail hub connecting three major railroads, began in Greenwood less than two years after the riot.

Prior to the riot, construction had already been underway for a smaller rail hub nearby. However, in the aftermath of the riot, land on which the fires had destroyed homes and businesses suddenly became available, allowing for a larger train depot near the heart of the city to be built in Greenwood instead.

Chief Chuck Jordan described the conduct of the Tulsa Police as, " Chief of Police John A. Gustafson was the subject of a vice investigation.

Official proceedings began on June 6, He was prosecuted on multiple counts: refusing to enforce prohibition, refusing to enforce anti-prostitution laws; operating a stolen automobile-laundering racket and allowing known automobile thieves to escape justice, for the purpose of extorting the citizens of Tulsa for rewards relating to their return; repurposing vehicles for their own use or sale; operating a fake detective agency for the purpose of billing the city of Tulsa for investigative duties he was already being paid for as chief of police; failing to enforce gun laws and failure to take any action at all during the riots.

The Attorney General of Oklahoma received a number of letters alleging members of the police force had conspired with members of the justice system to threaten witnesses in corruption trials stemming from the Grand Jury investigations.

In the letters, various members of the public requested the presence of the state attorney general at the trial. Gustafson was found to have a long history of fraud pre-dating his membership of the Tulsa Police Department.

His previous partner in his detective agency, Phil Kirk, had been convicted of blackmail. Investigators noted that many blackmail letters had been sent to members of the community from the agency.

One particularly disturbing case involved the frequent rape, by her father, of an year-old girl who had since become pregnant.

Instead of prosecuting, they sent a " blackhand letter. Three days after the massacre Republican President Warren G.

Harding spoke at the all-black Lincoln University in Pennsylvania. He declared, "Despite the demagogues, the idea of our oneness as Americans has risen superior to every appeal to mere class and group.

That's not acceptable, of course it isn't and it's disgusting. Just weeks out from the Melbourne Cup, the disturbing revelations are set to rock the industry to its core.

The investigation is two years in the making. In the wake of the NSW Government's short-lived ban on greyhound racing, the horse racing industry in the state vowed to take a proactive stance on welfare.

NSW Racing chief executive officer Peter V'landys announced at the time that every single racehorse domiciled in the state would be rehomed at retirement.

Many of the horses from NSW sent interstate for slaughter — a clear breach of regulations — were still officially listed as being active in racing, the investigation found.

Others were listed in the official database as having been retired or rehomed, but instead wound up being slaughtered. At the southeast Queensland abattoir, the resulting horse meat is exported to lucrative markets in Europe, Russia and Japan.

In an interview with Meldrum-Hanna, Mr V'landys insisted that "zero" horses from NSW were ending up at abattoirs or knackeries — facilities that turn animals into pet meat.

When asked if he was sure the figure was zero, Mr V'landys responded: "Yes, absolutely. The investigation also found that a number of racehorses are being sold at auctions and sent to knackeries.

Coalition for the Protection of Racehorses campaigner Elio Celotto described the scenes in the vision from the abattoir in question as barbaric.

In its annual reporting, Racing Australia insists less than one per cent of racehorses retired from the industry are sent to abattoirs each year, and only in circumstances that are unavoidable.

If my concerns are substantiated, then we're talking about a large number of horses that are meeting a very grisly end.

The investigation raises serious concerns about the practices in place and the lack of oversight when it comes to animal welfare.

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